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The center's May 2002 Work or Study report concentrated on comparing and contrasting the differing labor market fortunes of Latino generations during their teen years and prime working years.
During the late adolescent years, young people make critical choices and tradeoffs regarding further schooling versus work experience.
S.-born children of Latino immigrants reach adulthood, new data suggest that they will fare better than their immigrant peers thanks to pursuing education before work. Latino population's growth in past decades has been fueled by international migration. The accompanying native-born Latino population of working age is projected to reach 24 million in the same timeframe, an increase of 14 million.
However, this success initially comes as a tradeoff, as young immigrant Latinos fare better in the labor market than their native-born counterparts, with the native born pulling ahead in adulthood. However, recent projections indicate that while the number of Latinos will continue to grow rapidly, the sources of growth are shifting markedly. The fortunes of Hispanics will increasingly depend on the success of the U. The great size of this Latino second generation has stimulated a substantial body of research on the health and well-being of the children of immigrants (see, for example, Rubén Rumbaut's article in The Source's May 2002 issue).
Interestingly, young Latinos are pursuing radically different activities, depending on their nativity, and the evidence suggests that the differing focus will have clear implications for adult success during their prime working years.
Prior research shows that the outcomes of immigrants' lives are associated with their age-at-arrival in the United States. Arrival by age 13 is associated with a markedly different schooling and earnings trajectory than arrival after age 13.
Less than 13 percent of their second-generation counterparts work full-time, similar to the 14 percent of white youth who work full-time and nine percent of black youth who work full-time. The sample provides estimates for the nation as a whole and serves as part of model-based estimates for individual states and other geographic areas.
The CPS is the nation's most authoritative monthly social survey of about 50,000 U. From the CPS, it is possible to obtain estimates in areas including employment, unemployment, earnings, hours of work, and other indicators.
S., has been investigating labor market activities and outcomes, as well as educational attainment and school enrollment, for Latino adults by generational status, using the U. Census Bureau's Current Population Survey (CPS) as the major data source.
The Latino 1.5-generation teens averaged 9 per week; in contrast, median wages for the second-generation Latino teen were about 0 per week. Bureau of Labor Statistics, since 1994 the CPS has routinely ascertained the respondent's nativity and the parents' place of birth.
The favorable earnings outcomes for first-generation Latino teens are also apparent in a variety of other labor market indicators. Work: Much of the apparent earnings success of first-generation Latino teens can be traced to their different orientation toward work and education, when compared with their native-born counterparts. Thirty-eight percent of immigrant Latino youth work full-time (more than 34 hours of work per week). It provides information on generational outcomes and behaviors for the nation's major racial and ethnic groups. The sample is scientifically selected to represent the civilian non-institutional population.
Adult Latinos of the 1.5 generation are immigrants, but by definition they arrived in the U. These investments in education tend to be rewarded in the labor market.
The median pay of second-generation Latino adults in their prime working years substantially exceeds that of the 1.5 generation in their prime age, even though both are born of immigrants and the sole substantive differences between them are where they were born and where they spend their early childhood.